The Gaza Strip

No way out: Women trapped in Gaza away from their homes and partners

Image
Hanin al-Jakhbir, stranded in Gaza, holding a family photo with her husband. Photo by Olfat al-Kurd, B’Tselem, 23 January 2018.

Imagine paying a visit to relatives in another country and getting stuck there, away from your partner or children, for months and even years. Far from your home and life, without knowing how long it will be until you can go back. That is the daily reality of hundreds of women who are trapped in the Gaza Strip. Their lives are on hold and they have no idea when, if at all, they can be reunited with their loved ones.

Israel controls all access routes out of Gaza, with the exception of Rafah Crossing between Gaza and Egypt. It does not allow Gazans to maintain an airport or a sea port and does not permit them to travel abroad by entering Israel through Erez Crossing and flying out from there. Gaza has been under an Israeli blockade since the summer of 2007, and while over time, Israel has changed its rules regarding import and export, it remains steadfast in barring Palestinians and foreign nationals from traveling to and from Gaza. Consequently, with the exception of cases that Israel defines as “humanitarian” – usually urgent medical cases – and a small number of merchants, Palestinians cannot leave Gaza.

As stated above, Rafah Crossing is the only point of exit from Gaza that Israel does not control. However, in recent years, Egypt – which does control the crossing – has kept it closed almost year-round. The few who are fortunate enough exit via the crossing on the rare days it opens have to travel along a lengthy, dangerous route through the Sinai. Also, in 2017, Palestinians and Egyptians at Rafah Crossing started demanding a bribe of some 3,000 USD to let people through.

With the crossing so rarely open, and such a high sum extorted from travelers when it is, most Gazans simply have no possibility of going abroad. The unemployment rate in Gaza is one of the highest in the world, and some 80% of residents rely on humanitarian aid. One group that suffers especially from these circumstances is women who remain trapped in Gaza, away from their partners and sometimes without their children as well. These women, who are not residents of Gaza, have no work and no source of income. They have no choice but to stay with relatives, most of whom live in poverty themselves.

Image
The view from the closed gate of Rafah Crossing. Photo by Muhammad Sabah, B’Tselem, 21 November 2017.

Rafah Crossing has been closed almost continuously since ‘Abd a-Fatah a-Sisi came into power in Egypt. On the few days it is opened, only several hundred people manage to get through at a time, and it is impossible to know in advance who will be among the lucky ones. According to OCHA, in 2017 the crossing was open for a mere 29 days – only 21 of them in both directions. During that year, only 16,723 people managed to get out of Gaza. In comparison, in 2012 the crossing was open for 312 days, and some 211,000 people passed through it. In 2018, the crossing was closed for all of January; in February, it was open in both directions for four days, and another three days only for returning to Gaza.

Nevertheless, Rafah Crossing remains virtually the only way out of Gaza. Thousands of people have registered with the Palestinian Authority (PA) to leave, including students, persons in need of medical care, and people with foreign passports who came to visit relatives – as well as hundreds of married women who live with their families outside Gaza and came to visit relatives.

Last year marked a decade since Israel began its cruel blockade on Gaza without taking responsibility for the extreme impact on the lives of Palestinians there. Israel, which controls all passage in and out of Gaza except through Rafah Crossing, must respect the right of all Palestinians from Gaza to freedom of movement. It must also respect the right of the women trapped there to family life by ending their suffering and allowing them to reunite with their loved ones. The fact that Rafah Crossing is closed almost all year is the result of Palestinian and Egyptian decisions. The fact that it is the only way out of Gaza is entirely the result of Israeli policy, which has barred all other forms of access – by air, by sea, or by land to Jordan via Israel, except in rare instances. Moreover, Israel is well aware of the situation at Rafah Crossing. In this state of affairs, Israel bears the primary responsibility for the fact that almost two million Palestinians – including the trapped women described here – are imprisoned in the Gaza Strip.

B’Tselem field researcher Olfat al-Kurd collected testimonies from women trapped in Gaza: 

Image
Hanin al-Jakhbir with her toddler daughter and a family photo with her husband. Photo by Olfat al-Kurd, B’Tselem, 23 January 201

Hanin al-Jakhbir, 26, married and mother of a two-year-old girl: 

Al-Jakhbir was born in Rafah and in 2015 married an Egyptian national she had met through relatives. On 28 January 2017, two years after she got married and moved to Egypt, she returned to Gaza with her then nine-month-old daughter Lana to visit her parents, whom she hadn’t seen since the wedding, and to get a Palestinian birth certificate issued for Lana. Al-Jakhbir intended stay in Gaza for a month, but has been unable to leave for more than a year now. In a testimony she gave on 23 January 2018, she related the following: 

A few days after we got to Gaza, I registered to leave via Rafah Crossing with the Ministry of the Interior. I was planning to go back to Egypt once Lana’s birth certificate came through. We got the certificate in mid-February 2017 and wanted to go home. I have residency status in Egypt that is valid for five years, and Lana has an Egyptian passport. 

In February and March, Rafah Crossing opened for only three or four days at a time, and that wasn’t enough for all the people who registered to leave. At the crossing, I was told that our names weren’t on the travellers’ list. Then the crossing stayed closed for three months straight, and being far from my husband really began to take a toll on me mentally. My daughter also suffered without her father. He kept in touch with us regularly, asked how we were and told me how hard it was for him to be alone. Now, Lana has started calling her grandfather “Baba” because she doesn’t know her father any more. Her grandfather and uncles hug here, but she doesn’t really know what it’s like to have her father’s embrace. I don’t know what my daughter and I did wrong, and what will happen to us if the crossing doesn’t open.

We’ve been stuck in Rafah for a year and my husband is trying to get help from the Egyptian embassy in Gaza and from the Palestinian embassy in Egypt to solve our problem. 

In 2017, Rafah Crossing opened several times, each time for a few days in a row, lastly in November, but mostly for students who are also stuck here. I decided to go to the crossing and try my luck, maybe I’d get through. I went alone, just to see if there was any chance. I got to the waiting lounge and a Palestinian officer promised me we would be able to get us through. I called my mother and asked her to bring my daughter and the luggage. When they got there, the officer said I had to choose between my daughter and the luggage, because things were tight and the buses were completely packed. I gave up the suitcases and we waited in the lounge for another hour or so, and then another two hours in the bus. Then one of the Egyptian officers announced that the crossing was closed and that all the buses waiting there could not go through. I became hysterical, I went crazy. I wait all day and suddenly the officer declares it’s closed until further notice. 

My husband, who had already set out to meet us at the other end, had to turn around and go home after traveling for four hours – about half the way. We had both been physically and mentally exhausted for nothing. It was very frustrating and we felt it was an injustice. On top of my tension and exhaustion from that whole day, my husband who traveled half the way to the crossing felt very frustrated and that an injustice had been done to us. 

‘Abir ‘Aruq, 47, married and a mother of nine

‘Aruq was born in Gaza. In 1994 she married Baker ‘Aruq, a Sudanese national, and went to live in Sudan with him. In April 2017, she came to Gaza with five of her children to celebrate her daughter Hanaa’s marriage to a cousin in Gaza. Since then, she and the children have been unable to go home. In a testimony she gave on 24 January 2018, she related the following: 

In early March 2017, we traveled to Egypt from Sudan and waited for Rafah Crossing to open. On 11 April 2017, we finally got into Gaza. Three days later, the wedding was held, and the next day I registered with the travel registration office to go back to Sudan. I had planned to stay in Gaza for a month and then go home to my husband and to my daughter Iman, who was seven months pregnant. But because we’d already waited in Egypt for a month, I wanted to go home immediately after the wedding. 
We’ve now been waiting ten months for an opportunity to leave. My son Osama, a graduate student in Sudan, couldn’t hand his dissertation in on time and has lost his opportunity to hand it in. My son Mahmoud enrolled for university in Sudan and lost the registration fees as well as a year of studies. My sons who are still in school – ‘Abd a-Rahim, who is in 11th grade, and Nur a-Din, in 2nd grade – have missed the entire school year.

Meanwhile, back in Sudan, my daughter Iman gave birth to her first child without me. She had a C-section and I couldn’t be with her. She lives far from our home in Sudan, and my husband couldn’t spend a lot of time with her either. It was a rough time. I was sad, hopeless, worried and frustrated because my daughter was going through that alone. Since we got to Gaza, Rafah Crossing has opened several times for a few days every time, but we didn’t make it through. My husband keeps calling to see how we are. In the meantime, my two eldest sons married women in Gaza and now they want to go back to Sudan with them. 
The greatest obstacle to our leaving Gaza is the cost of coordination at Rafah Crossing. You have to pay 3,000 dollars a head and we’re seven people. I can’t afford that. Every time the crossing opens, we go there but always in vain – we never make it out. I slept at the crossing several times, in the cold and wind, in the hope that I’d get ahead of the line and we could get out and suffered backaches and leg pain because of that. 

I went to all the protest rallies of the committee of people trapped in Gaza to pressure the Palestinian and Egyptian governments to open the crossing and my suffering and the suffering of my children whose academic education has been ruined. Nothing helped. 
 

Image
Rima Shaqfah-Muhammad with her children in Rafah. Photo by Olfat al-Kurd, B’Tselem, 25 January 2018.

Rima Shaqfah-Muhammad, 37, married an mother of three girls aged 10 months, two and six

Shaqfah-Muhammad was born in Rafah. In 2005 she married Egyptian national Ahmad Hanafi and went to live with him in Egypt. In March 2017, when she was nine months pregnant, she came to Rafah to visit her father, who had cancer, and to give birth close to her family. In a testimony she gave on 25 January 2018, she related the following: 

I came to visit my family in Rafah when I was nine months pregnant. Ten days after I got here, I gave birth to my daughter Salma in a C-section. I was planning to stay with my parents in Rafah for a month – have my baby and then go back to Egypt. Three days after I got here, I registered with the Ministry of the Interior to leave via Rafah Crossing, but I’ve been stuck here with my three girls for ten months already. Since I got here, the crossing opened about five times and but I never managed to get through, although I am a resident of Egypt and my daughters have Egyptian passports. Every time the crossing opened, I went there every day. My eldest daughter, Habiba, was supposed to start school but unfortunately, that didn’t happen. My husband keeps calling, asking how we are and trying to find out what’s happening at Rafah Crossing, when it will open again. He tells me how much he misses the girls and me. He hasn’t even met the baby, Salma. My other daughter Siniora doesn’t really know him either. She’s only two and a half years old, and she has spent almost a year with me here. I’m totally depressed, sad and exhausted.  It’s very hard raising our daughters alone. 

Two months ago, my husband was in a car accident and the doctors had to amputate his left arm. He was in hospital in al-‘Arish for a month. Now he’s back home and there’s no one to take care of him – his parents are dead and his siblings live far away, in Cairo. He also has diabetes and I’m worried he’ll have complications because of the amputation. He really needs me and I don’t know when I’ll be able to go back to him. 

Sometimes I attend the rallies that women hold in Gaza and at Rafah Crossing. We raise protest signs saying “Open Rafah Crossing!” and “Our families are ruined and our children scattered”, but it hasn’t helped so far. 

To get through Rafah Crossing, people pay unbelievable amounts that I can’t afford. Every traveler has to pay 3,000 dollars, and there are four of us. There is no way I can pay that much. We can’t leave via Erez Crossing, either. The Israeli authorities forbid it. All I can do is keep hoping that they open Rafah Crossing, so we can get back safely to my husband and our home. 

Image
Iman Abu Kneiss with her infant daughter in Gaza. Photo by Olfat al-Kurd, B’Tselem, 1 February 2018.

Iman Abu Kneiss, 40, married and mother of a four-month-old baby

Abu Kneiss was born in Gaza. In September 2016 she married Egyptian national Walid Ibrahim and moved to live with him in Egypt. In February 2017, she went back to Gaza to visit her elderly parents for a month. Once there, she discovered she was pregnant. She was unable to go back home and gave birth in Gaza, away from her husband. In a testimony she gave on 1 February 2018, she related the following: 

On my second day in Gaza, I found out I was pregnant. My Egyptian visa was valid until September 2017. Since I got to Gaza, Rafah Crossing has opened several times. I wanted to give birth with my husband nearby, but couldn’t get through the crossing because so many travelers are stuck in Gaza and have to get through within several days, and also because of the “coordination” and corruption that enable people who can pay 3,000 dollars to get through.

On 8 October 2017, I gave birth to my daughter, Carmel , in a-Shifaa Hospital in Gaza. I was thrilled, but couldn’t be entirely happy without my husband. He still hasn’t met her, held her or hugged her. 
I had a C-section that went wrong and caused damage to my intestines. I still suffer pain. I’ve since undergone more surgery and was in hospital for 18 days. 

While I was in hospital, I heard that Rafah Crossing opened. My name was on the passenger list, but I wasn’t healthy enough to travel. After I got out of hospital, I went to register again but they told me I’d missed my turn and that the government had decided not to add any new names until everyone on the list had got through. 

My sister Fadwa, who also lives in Egypt, came to Gaza while I was in hospital to help with the baby, because our mother is very old. She got to Gaza in November 2017 and now she’s stuck here too.  

Suggested items

Palestinians queue for meals in Fafah, in the south of the Gaza Strip. Photo: Mohammed Zaanoun, Activestills, 23 Dec. 2023

The Gaza Strip

Israel is committing the war crime of starvation in the Gaza Strip

Today, (Monday, 22.4.2024) Israeli human rights group B’Tselem is issuing a new position paper, Manufacturing Famine. The organization concludes, based on various reports from international bodies about the situation in Gaza and on testimonies gathered by B'Tselem's field researchers, that for months, Israel has been committing the crime of starvation under international law in the Gaza Strip.The severe hunger that has developed over recent months in the Gaza Strip is not a result of fate, but the product of a deliberate and conscious Israeli policy. It has been openly declared by decision makers, including a member of the Israeli war cabinet, from the very beginning of the war. In the document, B’Tselem reviews the current scale of the hunger crisis in the Gaza Strip, its short and long term impacts, Israel’s conduct with respect to this issue and the legal implications of this conduct. We rely on the most recent figures and data available.Reducing masses to begging for food and using starvation as a method warfare requires utter dehumanization. Sadly, the dehumanization of Palestinians in Israeli society has accelerated in recent months.

22 April 2024

Structures that Israel demolished along the border in the northern Gaza Strip. Photo by Susana Vera, Reuters, 18 Feb. 2024

The Gaza Strip

Establishing a “security zone” in Gaza is a war crime

During the very first month of the war in Gaza, in early November 2023, Israel started working on a buffer zone inside the Gaza Strip. According to media reports, it will be about one kilometer wide, stretch along the entire border with Israel, about 60 kilometers, and feature military posts, paved roads and surveillance devices. The area will be off limits to Palestinians – even those who lived or cultivated fields in it before the war.To create the buffer zone, Israel is currently destroying almost everything in the area it has designated for it, including residential buildings, public structures such as schools, medical clinics and mosques, fields, groves and greenhouses. A soldier involved in this work described it as “flattening everything”. Reservist testimonies confirm that the demolitions are carried out to clear the way for a security zone rather than as a response to intelligence information or findings in the field. Only buildings belonging to UNRWA or donated by the European Union, such as water reservoirs and wastewater treatment facilities, are left standing.Satellite images published by the media reveal the immense damage caused by the military, including the demolition of entire residential neighborhoods and public buildings hundreds of meters from the border, and the destruction of extensive farmland in other areas. According to a study by Adi Ben Nun of the Geography Department at the Hebrew University, by 17 January 2024, the Israeli military demolished 1,072 of 2,824 structures located a kilometer or less from the border, most of which were homes. Bin Nun says the most densely populated area being cleared is near Khan Yunis, where, within a one-kilometer range from the border, 704 of 1,048 buildings – almost 70% – have been demolished. Corey Scher of City University of New York and Jamon Van Den Hoek of Oregon State University put the damage even higher, estimating at least 1,329 buildings in this area have been destroyed.The destruction in Beit Hanoun is a case in point. Satellite images show an entire neighborhood ruined, including more than 150 residential buildings, schools and two hospitals. The surrounding farmland was destroyed, too. Another example of this policy is the town of Khuza’a, which lies opposite the Israeli kibbutz of Nir Oz and has homes closest to the border. The military demolished the entire town, including residential buildings and mosques, as well as surrounding farmland and greenhouses.Israel has not officially admitted its intention to create a “security zone” along the border. The IDF Spokesperson and other official sources have repeatedly claimed the massive demolition is a response to Hamas actions and that all affected homes, roads and farmlands were “terrorist infrastructure.” For example, in response to an article on the planned buffer zone, the IDF Spokesperson stated that Hamas“unlawfully embedded military assets inside densely populated civilian areas... The IDF identifies and destroys terrorist infrastructure located, among other things, within structures in these areas. In some cases, entire neighborhoods in the Gaza Strip have become combat complexes used for ambushes, command, control centers, weapon depots, combat tunnels, observation posts, firing positions, booby-trapped homes and roadside explosive devices.”However, other official statements clarify that Israel considers establishing a buffer zone as crucial for civilian defense. According to one statement by the military, it “is part of the imperative actions that are needed in order to implement a defense plan that will provide improved security in Southern Israel”. The IDF Spokesperson explained that the military was demolishing buildings in Gaza as part of the buffer zone effort.Yet, this cannot justify widespread demolition inside Gaza and the creation of a “security zone.” The demolitions carried out by Israel for this purpose are unlawful and constitute a war crime: they are a preventive measure intended to thwart a future threat, and demolition for such purposes is absolutely prohibited.International humanitarian law, which determines what parties to hostilities may – and primarily may not – do, allows targeting military objects only. To be considered a legitimate target, an object must meet two criteria: it must make an effective contribution to military action, and its destruction must provide a clear military advantage to the attacking side. This requires examining the actual use of the buildings and areas demolished, and not their potential future use.Destroying private property is permissible only in highly exceptional cases. It is explicitly prohibited, among other things, as a means to deter, intimidate or retaliate against the civilian population, or to deliberately cause prolonged or permanent damage. In addition, the extensive scope of destruction carried out by Israel violates a basic principle of international humanitarian law, proportionality, which prohibits actions that cause excessive harm to persons not participating in hostilities and their property, relative to the military advantage expected from the action.Creating a “security zone” inside the Gaza Strip is not a new idea for Israel. Even before the war, the military restricted Palestinian access to areas located some 300 meters from the perimeter fence, treating them as “no-go zones,” though Israel never officially announced this policy or clarified to the Palestinians precisely where access was restricted. The ban was nevertheless enforced by the military through open-fire regulations that allowed shooting Palestinians present in those areas even if they posed no threat. From September 2005, when Israel implemented “disengagement plan” to 6 October 2023 (excluding periods of fighting), at least 88 Palestinians who did not participate in hostilities were killed in these areas. The military has also enforced the ban by spraying herbicides on crops near the fence.Israel’s policy profoundly altered the area along the border. Before the ban, residents cultivated fruit trees and grazed sheep and cattle there. After the ban was imposed, farmers switched to crops that require less care and which the military cannot argue obstruct its field of vision, such as wheat, barley, beans and vegetables.Creating a “security zone” within the Gaza Strip will drastically change the area, with long-term implications. It will shrink the territory of Gaza, already one of the most crowded areas in the world. Thousands of residents will be unable to return home, communities will be destroyed, and entire lives built over years will be ruined. The widespread damage to farmland will also affect food production capacity in Gaza, harming farmers’ livelihoods and the future nutrition of Gaza residents.Nazih Abu Rabi’, a 50-year-old father of seven, lived about a kilometer from the border. When the war began, he fled his home and is currently in Deir al-Balah. In late January, a relative told him the military had destroyed his home and olive grove, along with about 20 homes nearby. What he said to B’Tselem field researcher Khaled ‘Azayzeh illustrates the impact of Israel’s policy:I wasn’t surprised when my nephew told me, but I felt deep sorrow because I lost all my property after years of effort. I put everything I earned into building the house, which was demolished in seconds. I was planning to build another floor for one of my sons, and to build another house on my plot of land. I’m very worried, because I don’t know if we will be able to go back to our land and build there again. I was born and raised on that land, and my father and grandfather before me. I have no other home.”

21 February 2024